This survey, Let them kill each other, has its aim and purpose to analyze how two of Swedens biggest tabloids, Aftonbladet and Expressen, reported about the Dayton agreement (also known as Dayton Accords, Paris Protocol and Dayton-Paris Agreement). To do so we analyzed both editorials and regular articles from 1995-10-09 to 1995-12-16. We discovered that the main opinion, both regarding editorials and articles, had a negative posture about the possibility for the partners to come to an agreement, and also later on, for the agreement to persist. We also found that the majority of the articles and editorials indicated a plain portrayal of whoever was the ?winning? and ?losing? side of the agreement..

After the fall of communism in Yugoslavia the ethnic resentment grew stronger and escalated in to interethnic civil conflict in 1992. After international intervention the General Framework Agreement for Peace (GFAP) installed peace in 1995. The treaty's aim was not only to establish peace but also to institute democracy in Bosnia. The OSCE were given the task to implement democracy within political institutions and civil society. This in a country with a lack of democratic experience and where great problems with ethnic antagonism still exists.By using democratization and transition theory this single case-study examines how democracy is implemented in Bosnia by the OSCE and clarifies difficulties that this democratization process is facing.

Nation building is vital in post-war states to bring the people that have been at war together. To restore peace in a state, many different actors need to work together to bring stability, safety, and advancement to a new nation. There are several methods of nation building, and this thesis evolves around three of them. This is a qualitative study where three theories on nation building are used to analyze the development of nation building, and the obstacles Bosnia and Herzegovina still has to reach a national identity. Several studies are used in this thesis to show how the development has evolved in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

A great source of risk during peace processes of today comes from spoilers, individuals and groups who deliberately try to undermine every attempt to achieve a negotiated peace agreement. The aim of the thesis is to examine problems related to the management of spoilers during peace negotiations and the effects thereof. A central aspect in this respect is the dilemma of whether to include or exclude controversial actors like spoilers at negotiations.The choice of limits of the subject is to examine the peace negotiations that resulted in ?The Agreement? in 1998, concerning the conflict in Northern Ireland, and in ?DOP? in 1993, concerning the conflict between Israel and Palestine. I find a significant difference between these two conflicts regarding the way of managing spoilers.

The purpose of this study is to analyze how the parties (USA, Great Britain, UN and the European Union) legitimize their intervention in Bosnia-Herzegovina as seen from without the conceptions of sovereignty and intervention. USA and the UN have legitimized their intervention on security reasons. The American president, George W. Bush, claimed that democracies never engage in war with each other and that democracies were prosperous just because they were democracies. According to the president, that is why it is important to democratise the whole Balkan region to protect the international community from terrorism which grows in unstable and undemocratic states.

The conflict in Aceh had been going on for 30 years time, but ended after a tsunami hit the area in 2004. The impact the natural catastrophe had on the conflict was that both GAM and the Indonesian government was brought together with the intent of reaching a peace agreement. The authors to this thesis paper ask the question of why it became peace after such long time of war, but also if rational choice theory can explain this event. The answer to the first question is that the tsunami was the main reason to why it became peace. As to the second question, the conclusion would be that, depending on which view of human nature one has, rational choice theory can only answer the question if cultural, religious and emotional factors are disregarded.

The consociational democracy model in Macedonia, which came out from a warcrisis and a peace agreement from 2001, in addition, putting an end to the violent conflict, actually admits the division of the society along the ethnic lines. Paradoxically, there is an attempt to bridge the ethnic gap with this model. As a result, the consociational democracy model holds solutions that can be abused if somebody misuses its power and desires to disintegrate the country. The future development depends therefore on the moderate attitude of the citizens, and first and foremost, on the political elites and their commitment to the values of democracy and human rights instead of their nationalistic goals. Furthermore, thepresent democratic consolidation in Macedonia is established on the execution of the peace agreement and the improved effectiveness of the institutions.

The collective agreement contains many important provisions concerning the relationship between employers and employees. When a collective agreement applies in the workplace, both employers and employees are bound by it. However, only employers of those two, can take part in the collective agreement, and therefore negotiate the content of it.The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: Why are rules that has been interpreted in collective agreements not expressed in writing? Therefore, the Swedish collective agreement system will be examined, and a distinction between types of silent regulations will be made to find causes. The potential for workers to act on a collective agreement with quiet regulations will also be examined.Collective agreements are signed on three levels: central, union and local levels.

The collective agreement contains many important provisions concerning the relationship between employers and employees. When a collective agreement applies in the workplace, both employers and employees are bound by it. However, only employers of those two, can take part in the collective agreement, and therefore negotiate the content of it.The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: Why are rules that has been interpreted in collective agreements not expressed in writing? Therefore, the Swedish collective agreement system will be examined, and a distinction between types of silent regulations will be made to find causes. The potential for workers to act on a collective agreement with quiet regulations will also be examined.Collective agreements are signed on three levels: central, union and local levels.

Protracted social conflicts, as those in Cyprus and Northern Ireland, are based on deep rooted perceptions of identity and definitions of "the other". According to the theory of discursive conflict transformation, war is primarily a social phenomenon, which is legitimated by a discourse of identity defined in terms of exclusionist boundaries and structural ideas of the social relations in society. In order to develop positive peace, the discourse of violence has to be challenged and the discursive structures that enable war have to transform into a counterdiscourse of inclusion and individuality. For the purpose of making a critical peace analysis, I have, with the assistance of established conflict theories, analysed the basic ideas behind the the Annan Plan and the Belfast Agreement and thus been able to interpret to what extent they may foster positive peace. I argue, that in order to provide basic needs on a group basis, power sharing arrangement, based on ethnicity or religion, exacerbates division rather than ameliorating it.

The collective agreement contains many important provisions concerning the relationship between employers and employees. When a collective agreement applies in the workplace, both employers and employees are bound by it. However, only employers of those two, can take part in the collective agreement, and therefore negotiate the content of it.The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: Why are rules that has been interpreted in collective agreements not expressed in writing? Therefore, the Swedish collective agreement system will be examined, and a distinction between types of silent regulations will be made to find causes. The potential for workers to act on a collective agreement with quiet regulations will also be examined.Collective agreements are signed on three levels: central, union and local levels.

One of the more hopeful signs in the Middle East-conflict during the 20th century was president Sadat´s visit to Jerusalem in November 1977. His speech in Knesset arose deep feelings, from open hostility to careful optimism and belief in the future. During nearly one and a half year Egyptian and Israeli delegations negotiated. They came to a peace-agreement, the Camp David-Accords, under the guidance of the United States. The main-actors during the peace- negotiations were President Sadat, Prime Minister Begin and President Carter.

Since the war ended in Bosnia and Herzegovina in1995 the country's economic and political crisies has grown dramatically. As in so many other Post-communist states the corruption has become a large problem for the whole society. The ethnic entities in which Bosnia is divided makes it possible for the national parties to operate and rule the same political propaganda that was the result of the war in the first place. However the international forces like the EU and the USA have made this kind of no non-centralised governmentship possible through the Dayton Peace Agreement, according to many experts this has to change in the constitution by any means possible if Bosnia will have a future. By the thesis of Professor Susan Rose-Ackerman the theoretical analysing tool should be followed for the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The world is yet to experience world peace, a peace that is hindered by ongoing conflicts that escalate into wars around the globe. Therefore, peace can only be possible if conflicts are restricted and resolved to prohibit war, creating and maintaining peace. This study will be constructed around this assumption, but will include a moral variable and answer: is there a moral conflict-solving road to peace?The study will be directed around appeasement, economic sanctions and war as conflict resolving agents for peace. I will construct a typology with common features by using empirical material; a topology that will then be analyzed using two opposing ethical theories, consequentialism and common morality.The analysis will be constructed around the above mentioned question.

The aim of this paper is to examine if the two latest Peace Plans in the Palestine-Israeli con-flict observes the sources of the conflict and presents measures in the purpose of solving them. The point of departure is William Azar?s theory of protracted social conflict (PSC). According to Azar, the internal sources of a PSC lies in three clusters of variables: the com-munal content of a society, the deprivation of human needs as an underlying source of PSC, and the role of the state in the deprivation or satisfaction of human needs. The study is de-signed as a multiple-case study where the units of analysis are the Roadmap to Peace and the Geneva Initiative.